Salzburg Global Fellow Pamela Camerra-Rowe reflects on democratic erosion in the United States and the steps it can take to strengthen its liberal democratic regime
This op-ed piece is part of a series written by Fellows of the Salzburg Global Seminar program “Democracy on the Front Lines: Polarization, Culture and Resilience in America and the World.”
Despite the relatively peaceful nature of the 2022 midterm elections, democracy in the United States remains under threat. The U.S. has experienced an erosion of the democratic institutions, norms, and beliefs that help sustain democratic rule. An OECD survey in 2021 showed only 40.5% of U.S. citizens have confidence in the national government. Moreover, voters increasingly view the other party and its adherents as the enemy. A recent Pew Research Report shows that Democrats and Republicans see the other party not just as people they disagree with but as immoral, dishonest, and a threat to the well-being of the nation. This party polarization raises the stakes of each election and undermines collective policy-making.
Many Republicans have contributed significantly to this erosion of democracy. They have questioned election results, even in cases where there was no evidence to support their claims, and used the legal system to pursue unwarranted claims. They have spread disinformation and condoned violence. Alarmingly, studies show that a substantial minority of both Republicans and some Democrats now believe the use of violence may be necessary to achieve their political goals.
Democratic erosion is not an isolated phenomenon. Right-wing populist parties have made substantial electoral gains in west European democracies and even formed governments. However, the threats to democracy are greater in the U.S. than in west European countries. Far-right parties in western Europe do not generally question electoral outcomes or threaten to overthrow democratically-elected governments. Mainstream party politicians have more forcefully denounced the use of violence and been less likely to demonize their political opponents. Among citizens in western Europe, trust in government is higher than in the U.S.
Part of the explanation for these differences lies in the political institutions and the willingness of politicians to work with other parties. The proportional representation electoral systems in much of western Europe (with the exception of France and the UK) make it easier to form new parties and enable those parties to gain a foothold in the legislature. The ability to give differing opinions a voice can mitigate voter frustration. Most west European countries are also parliamentary systems with multi-party coalition governments, which provide political parties with an incentive to compromise with other parties if they wish to participate in government. Disagreements between coalition partners can act as a check on one party becoming dominant.
In addition, the media and civic education in western Europe differ from the U.S. Most west European countries have widely-watched, well-trusted, publicly-funded media outlets, which provide explanatory, non-partisan news. Public broadcasters also have free news apps that go into greater depth about the issues. Education investment at the primary and secondary levels in western Europe tends to be high, and the majority of citizens are willing to pay additional taxes to support it. It has not seen the type of partisan polarization that has plagued the U.S. Within much of western Europe, education for democratic citizenship is an explicit part of the curriculum. It is designed to explain the rights and responsibilities of citizenship and help young people understand and address pressing social problems.
What steps can the United States take to strengthen and maintain its liberal democratic regime? What lessons can it learn from other democracies?
The first step the U.S. should undertake is to adopt institutional reforms that promote inclusive representation and incentivize moderation and compromise. While it is unrealistic to imagine that the U.S. will make radical institutional changes, such as eliminating the electoral college system or introducing proportional representation, political parties can pursue meaningful incremental reform. One way would be to promote ranked-choice voting, which gives voters a greater say in the candidates they elect to office and often benefits moderate candidates. Another would be to better regulate private financing of electoral campaigns to create a more level playing field. A third would be to create more independent commissions at the state level to create more competitive congressional districts. A fourth would be to make access to voting easier for citizens across all states so that politicians would have to be accountable to more voters.
The second step is to invest in civic education, cultural exchanges, and study abroad including more funding for the U.S. Fulbright program. Civic education promotes citizens' political knowledge, trust, tolerance, and political engagement by promoting a deeper understanding of the principles, rights, obligations, and benefits of democracy. Studying abroad and cultural exchanges help citizens to better understand their own and other liberal democratic regimes and develop new ways of addressing the challenges to democratic governance.
Third, the U.S. needs to consider how to counter the concentration of the private news media, which often relies on a business model that reinforces polarization, and to better fund and promote public television and radio. Journalism requires more explanatory, less partisan coverage, and better means to counter mis- and disinformation. Journalists must not simply report what politicians have to say or view every issue as a horserace. Balanced coverage does not mean spreading lies. Instead, journalists must hold politicians accountable by investigating issues thoroughly and explaining policies and political processes more fully.
Most importantly, there needs to be a renewed focus by political elites in the U.S. on the importance of liberal democracy. Politicians must recommit to democratic principles and procedures. They need to avoid the type of divisive, inflammatory rhetoric that promotes polarization and focus on the principles that bind people together rather than solely on the identities that divide them. While political parties can disagree over specific policies, they also need to prioritize finding collective solutions that serve the overall needs of the country. Political activists on both the right and left need to avoid the type of moral righteousness that makes debate and compromise difficult and undermines empathy. Without a shared sense of purpose and shared values, it will be difficult to sustain liberal democratic rule in the U.S.
Liberal democracy is more than simply individual freedom. It requires mutual toleration, an acceptance of pluralism and political equality, and a commitment to the rule of law. It requires the active participation of a knowledgeable citizenry. It requires compromise, negotiation, and sustained hard work to achieve collective outcomes. While no individual or group will get all of what they want in a liberal democratic regime, they will enjoy more freedom, security, and prosperity than under an authoritarian regime.
Pamela Camerra-Rowe is a professor of Political Science at Kenyon College, where she has taught comparative, European, and American politics since 1994. Her research focuses on the role and changing nature of political parties and party systems in western Europe, interest groups, and their influence on policy, democracy, and democratic backsliding. She is currently a guest professor at the University of Salzburg, where she is researching the strategies of European center-right parties in response to the rise of right-wing populist parties.
