Politician Bernard Chan on Hong Kong's evolving identity and future
Although the Cold War has faded into history, the longstanding contestations and conflicts between "East" and "West" continue to define the heated geopolitics of today. Now more than ever, the world needs open dialogue and mutual understanding.
When discussing "East" and "West," one must examine where "East meets West," namely in Hong Kong. The ex-British colony and international metropolis has long been recognized as a unique melting pot for two distinct cultures and ideologies. Hong Kong's distinctive position creates a wide spectrum of stakeholders offering varying insights into the city's past, present, and future.
Bernard Chan has a long record of public service. He is the Chairperson of the Hong Kong Council of Social Service and Steward of The Hong Kong Jockey Club. He patronizes the arts and is Chairman of M+ Art Museum and Tai Kwun heritage and arts venue. He is also Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Hong Kong Chronicles Institute and Chairman of the Board of Governors of Our Hong Kong Foundation.
He was a Hong Kong Deputy to the National People's Congress of The People's Republic of China (2008-2023) and the previous Convenor of the Non-Official Members of the Executive Council (2017-2022). He is a former non-official member of Hong Kong's Executive Council (2004-2009 and 2012-2022) and a former member of Hong Kong's Legislative Council (1998-2008), the Hong Kong equivalent of the British parliament or the U.S. House of Representatives.
1997: The Handover
To call 1997 a turning point for Hong Kong would be an understatement. After 156 years of British colonial rule, Hong Kong's sovereignty was transferred back to China under the Sino-British Joint Declaration. This new era for Hong Kong was to be defined by the famous "One Country, Two Systems" constitutional principle enshrined in the Basic Law, where Hong Kong was to retain its high degree of autonomy, legal systems, and fundamental rights and freedoms.
Like any seismic geopolitical change, the handover was received differently by various segments of the population. In his estimations, Bernard dissected the population into three groups, "one-third of people were dead against the Chinese Communist Party… and a quarter were pro-China". For Bernard, the decisive factor was the remaining indecisive 40%, who "are not for or against (China). Their primary concern is their quality of life in Hong Kong, good jobs, safety and the core values: the rule of law, transparency, equality, and so on…"
In the early days, even in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis, Hong Kong, and in many ways, China and the rest of the world, benefitted under this new arrangement. With close geographical proximity to China and well-protected Western values, Hong Kong was perfectly poised to be the gateway into the world's largest growing economy.
2003: An Unprecedented Challenge
The 2003 SARS outbreak remains a painful memory for many Hong Kongers. A virus with a higher fatality rate than COVID-19, SARS claimed more than 800 lives and brought the Hong Kong economy to a standstill. "That year completely changed everything," said Bernard, "by May 2003, Hong Kong was a ghost town… Property prices came down by 50%. The stock market crashed." This health crisis presented a significantly damaging economic downturn that was difficult to overcome, even for one of the world's wealthiest regions. "We (were) desperate," continued Bernard, "the Hong Kong government went to Beijing and asked for help."
According to Bernard, before 2003, despite returning to Chinese sovereignty, there was "no integration with China". Contrary to current discourse, Bernard suggests Hong Kong's close ties with China were initiated by the Hong Kong government and not imposed by Beijing. Bernard recalls that Beijing was hesitant to "open the floodgates" when allowing more Chinese tourists to enter Hong Kong. Still, upon the insistence of the Hong Kong government, an influx of Chinese tourists and stronger economic collaboration followed. Hong Kong's economy rebounded.
2012-2019: One Country or Two Systems?
As ties with China solidified, some Hong Kongers felt the latter half of "One Country, Two Systems" was becoming increasingly threatened. Political sides hinged on the interpretation of this fundamental constitutional principle. In 2012, some pro-China parties pushed an agenda for national education. "We returned to China in '97. Yet we don't even have a national education," remarked Bernard, "but the opposition party tuned up the gears. It said the Communist Party wants to brainwash your children… as a result, we lost many of the undecided who were previously not for or against China."
Over the next decade, Hong Kong witnessed intensified political conflicts, from Occupy Central in 2014 to the 2019 Anti-Extradition movement. Speaking about 2019, Bernard found it baffling that despite being "One Country," Hong Kong does not have an extradition agreement with China, but instead has agreements with Western countries such as the US and the UK. As the protests escalated, Bernard lamented the fact that more radical protestors began "crossing the line" by demanding Hong Kong's independence, a clear challenge to Chinese sovereignty that Beijing could not tolerate.
Post COVID-19: What next?
Emerging from strict COVID-19 lockdowns, the newly introduced National Security Law (NSL), and the signing of Article 23 into law, Hong Kong enters yet another new era. One where "One Country, Two Systems" must justify its existence by "serving a purpose to Greater China". Bernard believes China wants to maintain and utilize "One Country, Two Systems," contrary to the popular belief overseas that China is undermining it. "China does not allow crypto. Crypto is allowed in Hong Kong," Bernard illustrates, "You have to manage the risk… Hong Kong is a testing ground for China." Under "Two Systems," Bernard sees Hong Kong's new role as "helping China de-risk amongst geopolitical tensions".
On the newly introduced NSL and Article 23, Bernard echoed China's reiteration that Hong Kong's legal system remains intact. He reasoned that in 2022, President Xi Jinping openly praised Hong Kong's legal system and insisted that Hong Kong should keep things as is. Instead, Bernard directs the attention of Hong Kong's legal system to Western governments, some of whom insist their judges leave Hong Kong. "If (the West) really wants to help Hong Kong to retain the rule of law, they should keep their judges here, don’t send them back," said Bernard.
Still, it is clear to Bernard and many others that Hong Kong faces great challenges ahead. "I always find that with crisis, there is opportunity," Bernard said. Regarding the outflow of human capital, Bernard suggests that Hong Kong imports labor, as "tons of people in China would love to come back to Hong Kong and take advantage of this special status," concluded Bernard. Whether Hong Kong can remain "special" under these challenges and changes remains to be seen.
Bernard Chan attended the 2024 Salzburg Global Weekend, which focused on "Looking 'East': Confronting Assumptions and Expectations of 'East' and 'West' in an Unstable and Multipolar World."
